In Egyptian mythology, Set is portrayed as the usurper who killed andSet, Deity, Setesh, Sutekh, Setekh, Suty, god of chaos, Ra, Apep, the serpent of Chaos, Osiris, Egyptian mythology, Ancient Egyptian Religion mutilated his own brother Osiris. Osiris’ wife Isis reassembled (remembered) Osiris’ corpse and resurrected her dead husband long enough to conceive his son and heir Horus. Horus sought revenge upon Set, and the myths describe their conflicts. This Osiris myth is a prominent theme in Egyptian mythology.
Set is the son of Geb, the Earth and Nut, the Sky; his siblings are Osiris, Isis, and Nephthys. He married Nephthys and fathered Anubis; and in some accounts he had relationships with the foreign goddesses Anat, and Astarte.
The meaning of the name Set is unknown but it is thought to have been originally pronounced *sūtiẖ [ˈsuw.tixʲ] based on spellings of his name in Egyptian hieroglyphs as stẖ and swtẖ. The Late Egyptian spelling stš reflects the palatalization of ẖ while the eventual loss of the final consonant is recorded in spellings like swtj. The Coptic form of the name, Sēt, is the basis for the English vocalization.
In art, Set is usually depicted as an enigmatic creature referred to by Egyptologists as the Set animal, a beast resembling no known creature, although it could be seen as a composite of an aardvark, a donkey, a jackal, or a fennec fox. The animal has a curved snout, long rectangular ears, a thin forked tail and canine body, with sprouted fur tufts in an inverted arrow shape; sometimes, Set is depicted as a human with the distinctive head. Some early Egyptologists proposed that it was a stylised representation of the giraffe, owing to the large flat-topped “horns” which correspond to a giraffe’s ossicones. The Egyptians themselves, however, made a distinction between the giraffe and the Set animal. During the Late Period, Set is depicted as a donkey or as having a donkey’s head.
The earliest representations of what might be the Set animal comes from a tomb dating to the Amratian culture (“Naqada I”) of prehistoric Egypt (3790 BC–3500 BC), though this identification is uncertain. If these are ruled out, then the earliest Set animal appears on a ceremonial macehead of Scorpion II, a ruler of the Naqada III phase. The head and the forked tail of the Set animal are clearly present.
Conflict of Horus and Set
A major element of Set’s mythology was his conflict with his brother or nephew, Horus, for the throne of Egypt. The contest between them is often violent but is also described as a legal judgment before the Ennead, an assembled group of Egyptian deities, to decide who should inherit the kingship. The judge in this trial may be Geb, who, as the father of Osiris and Set, held the throne before they did, or it may be the creator gods Ra or Atum, the originators of kingship. Other deities also take important roles: Thoth frequently acts as a conciliator in the dispute or as an assistant to the divine judge, and in “Contendings”, Isis uses her cunning and magical power to aid her son.
The rivalry of Horus and Set is portrayed in two contrasting ways. Both perspectives appear as early as the Pyramid Texts, the earliest source of the myth. In some spells from these texts, Horus is the son of Osiris and nephew of Set, and the murder of Osiris is the major impetus for the conflict. The other tradition depicts Horus and Set as brothers. This incongruity persists in many of the subsequent sources, where the two gods may be called brothers or uncle and nephew at different points in the same text.
In a key episode in the conflict, Set sexually abuses Horus. Set’s violation is partly meant to degrade his rival, but it also involves homosexual desire, in keeping with one of Set’s major characteristics, his forceful, potent, and indiscriminate sexuality. In the earliest account of this episode, in a fragmentary Middle Kingdom papyrus, the sexual encounter begins when Set asks to have sex with Horus, who agrees on the condition that Set will give Horus some of his strength. The encounter puts Horus in danger, because in Egyptian tradition semen is a potent and dangerous substance, akin to poison. According to some texts, Set’s semen enters Horus’s body and makes him ill, but in “Contendings”, Horus thwarts Set by catching Set’s semen in his hands. Isis retaliates by putting Horus’s semen on lettuce-leaves that Set eats. Set’s defeat becomes apparent when this semen appears on his forehead as a golden disk. He has been impregnated with his rival’s seed and as a result “gives birth” to the disk. In “Contendings”, Thoth takes the disk and places it on his own head; in earlier accounts, it is Thoth who is produced by this anomalous birth.
Another important episode concerns mutilations that the combatants inflict upon each other: Horus injures or steals Set’s testicles and Set damages or tears out one, or occasionally both, of Horus’s eyes. Sometimes the eye is torn into pieces. Set’s mutilation signifies a loss of virility and strength. The removal of Horus’s eye is even more important, for this stolen Eye of Horus represents a wide variety of concepts in Egyptian religion. One of Horus’s major roles is as a sky deity, and for this reason his right eye was said to be the sun and his left eye the moon. The theft or destruction of the Eye of Horus is therefore equated with the darkening of the moon in the course of its cycle of phases, or during eclipses. Horus may take back his lost Eye, or other deities, including Isis, Thoth, and Hathor, may retrieve or heal it for him. The Egyptologist Herman te Velde argues that the tradition about the lost testicles is a late variation on Set’s loss of semen to Horus, and that the moon-like disk that emerges from Set’s head after his impregnation is the Eye of Horus. If so, the episodes of mutilation and sexual abuse would form a single story, in which Set assaults Horus and loses semen to him, Horus retaliates and impregnates Set, and Set comes into possession of Horus’s Eye when it appears on Set’s head. Because Thoth is a moon deity in addition to his other functions, it would make sense, according to te Velde, for Thoth to emerge in the form of the Eye and step in to mediate between the feuding deities.
In any case, the restoration of the Eye of Horus to wholeness represents the return of the moon to full brightness, the return of the kingship to Horus, and many other aspects of maat. Sometimes the restoration of Horus’s eye is accompanied by the restoration of Set’s testicles, so that both gods are made whole near the conclusion of their feud.
Protector of Ra
Set in the Second Intermediate and Ramesside Periods
[He] chose for his Lord the god Seth. He did not worship any other deity in the whole land except Seth.— Papyrus Sallier 1 (Apophis and Sekenenre)
Jan Assmann argues that because the ancient Egyptians could never conceive of a “lonely” god lacking personality, Seth the desert god, who was worshiped on his own, represented a manifestation of evil.
When, c. 1522 BC, Ahmose I overthrew the Hyksos and expelled them, Egyptians’ attitudes towards Asiatic foreigners became xenophobic, and royal propaganda discredited the period of Hyksos rule. The Set cult at Avaris flourished, nevertheless, and the Egyptian garrison of Ahmose stationed there became part of the priesthood of Set.
The founder of the Nineteenth Dynasty, Ramesses I came from a military family from Avaris with strong ties to the priesthood of Set. Several of the Ramesside kings were named after the god, most notably Seti I (literally, “man of Set”) and Setnakht (literally, “Set is strong”). In addition, one of the garrisons of Ramesses II held Set as its patron deity, and Ramesses II erected the so-called Four Hundred Years’ Stele at Pi-Ramesses, commemorating the 400-year anniversary of the Set cult in the Delta.
Set also became associated with foreign gods during the New Kingdom, particularly in the Delta. Set was also identified by the Egyptians with the Hittite deity Teshub, who, like Set, was a storm god.
Demonization of Set
Set’s negative aspects were emphasized during this period. Set was the killer of Osiris, having hacked Osiris’ body into pieces and dispersed it so that he could not be resurrected. The Greeks would later associate Set with Typhon, a monstrous and evil force of raging nature. Both were sons of deities representing the Earth (Gaia and Geb) who attacked the principal deities (Osiris for Set, Zeus for Typhon).
Nevertheless, throughout this period, in some outlying regions of Egypt, Set was still regarded as the heroic chief deity.
Set has also been classed as a trickster deity who, as a god of disorder, resorts to deception to achieve bad ends.
Set was worshipped at the temples of Ombos (Nubt near Naqada) and Ombos (Nubt near Kom Ombo), at Oxyrhynchus in upper Egypt, and also in part of the Fayyum area.
More specifically, Set was worshipped in the relatively large metropolitan (yet provincial) locale of Sepermeru, especially during the Ramesside Period. There, Seth was honored with an important temple called the “House of Seth, Lord of Sepermeru”. One of the epithets of this town was “gateway to the desert”, which fits well with Set’s role as a deity of the frontier regions of ancient Egypt. At Sepermeru, Set’s temple enclosure included a small secondary shrine called “The House of Seth, Powerful-Is-His-Mighty-Arm”, and Ramesses II himself built (or modified) a second land-owning temple for Nephthys, called “The House of Nephthys of Ramesses-Meriamun”.
There is no question, however, that the two temples of Seth and Nephthys in Sepermeru were under separate administration, each with its own holdings and prophets. Moreover, another moderately sized temple of Seth is noted for the nearby town of Pi-Wayna. The close association of Seth temples with temples of Nephthys in key outskirt-towns of this milieu is also reflected in the likelihood that there existed another “House of Seth” and another “House of Nephthys” in the town of Su, at the entrance to the Fayyum.
Perhaps most intriguing in terms of the pre-Twentieth Dynasty connections between temples of Set and nearby temples of his consort Nephthys is the evidence of Papyrus Bologna, which preserves a most irritable complaint lodged by one Pra’em-hab, Prophet of the “House of Seth” in the now-lost town of Punodjem (“The Sweet Place”). In the text of Papyrus Bologna, the harried Pra’em-hab laments undue taxation for his own temple (The House of Seth) and goes on to lament that he is also saddled with responsibility for: “the ship, and I am likewise also responsible for the House of Nephthys, along with the remaining heap of district temples”.
It is unfortunate, perhaps, that we have no means of knowing the particular theologies of the closely connected Set and Nephthys temples in these districts—it would be interesting to learn, for example, the religious tone of temples of Nephthys located in such proximity to those of Seth, especially given the seemingly contrary Osirian loyalties of Seth’s consort-goddess. When, by the Twentieth Dynasty, the “demonization” of Seth was ostensibly inaugurated, Seth was either eradicated or increasingly pushed to the outskirts, Nephthys flourished as part of the usual Osirian pantheon throughout Egypt, even obtaining a Late Period status as tutelary goddess of her own Nome (UU Nome VII, “Hwt-Sekhem”/Diospolis Parva) and as the chief goddess of the Mansion of the Sistrum in that district.
Yet it is perhaps most telling that Seth’s cult persisted with astonishing potency even into the latter days of ancient Egyptian religion, in outlying (but important) places like Kharga, Dakhlah, Deir el-Hagar, Mut, Kellis, etc. Indeed, in these places, Seth was considered “Lord of the Oasis/Town” and Nephthys was likewise venerated as “Mistress of the Oasis” at Seth’s side, in his temples (esp. the dedication of a Nephthys-cult statue). Meanwhile, Nephthys was also venerated as “Mistress” in the Osirian temples of these districts, as part of the specifically Osirian college. It would appear that the ancient Egyptians in these locales had little problem with the paradoxical dualities inherent in venerating Seth and Nephthys as juxtaposed against Osiris, Isis, and Nephthys. Further study of the enormously important role of Seth in ancient Egyptian religion (particularly after the Twentieth Dynasty) is imperative.
- Probably this is the lection of a god adored by the Hittites, the “Kheta”, afterwards assimilated to the local Afro-Asiatic Seth. Sutekh appears, in fact, as a god of Hittites in the treaty declarations between the Hittite kings and Ramses II after the battle of Qadesh (see Archibald H. Sayce, “The Hittites: The Story of a Forgotten Empire”; also E. A. Wallis Budge, “A History of Egypt from the End of the Neolithic Period to the Death of Cleopatra VII B.C. 30”.)
- Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, vol. 3, p. 269
- Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, vol. 3, p. 270
- te Velde 1967, pp. 1–7.
- “Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae”. aaew2.bbaw.de. Retrieved 2017-09-21.
- “Coptic Dictionary Online”. corpling.uis.georgetown.edu. Retrieved 2017-03-16.
- te Velde 1967, pp. 13–15.
- te Velde 1967, pp. 7–12.
- Griffiths 1960, pp. 58–59
- Griffiths 1960, p. 82
- Assmann 2001, pp. 135, 139–140
- Griffiths 1960, pp. 12–16
- Assmann 2001, pp. 134–135
- Lichtheim 2006b, pp. 214–223
- Hart 2005, p. 73
- Pinch 2004, p. 83
- Lichtheim 2006b, pp. 218–219
- Griffiths, J. Gwyn, “Osiris”, in Redford 2001, pp. 188–190, vol. II
- te Velde 1967, pp. 55–56, 65
- Griffiths 1960, p. 42
- te Velde 1967, pp. 38–39, 43–44
- Pinch 2004, pp. 82–83, 91
- te Velde 1967, pp. 42–43
- te Velde 1967, pp. 43–46, 58
- Kaper, Olaf E., “Myths: Lunar Cycle”, in Redford 2001, pp. 480–482, vol. II
- Griffiths 1960, p. 29
- Pinch 2004, p. 131
- te Velde 1967, pp. 56–57
- Papyrus Sallier 1 (Apophis and Sekenenre), 1.2–3, ed. Gardiner 1932
- Assmann, Jan (2008). Of God and Gods: Egypt, Israel, and the Rise of Monotheism. University of Wisconsin Press. pp. 47–48. ISBN978-0-299-22550-6.
- te Velde 1967, pp. 138–140.
- Nicholas, Dean Andrew (2009). The Trickster Revisited: Deception as a Motif in the Pentateuch. Studies in Biblical Literature. 117. Peter Lang. pp. 16–17. ISBN978-1-4331-0226-4.
- cf. Sauneron, Priests of Ancient Egypt, p. 181
- Katary 1989, p. 216.
- Katary 1989, p. 220.
- Gardiner, Papyrus Wilbour Commentary, S28, pp. 127–128
- Papyrus Bologna 1094, 5,8–7, 1
- Sauneron, Beitrage Bf. 6, 46
- Pantalacci, L.; Traunecker, C. (1990). Le temple d’El-Qal’a. Relevés des scènes et des textes. I’ Sanctuaire central. Sanctuaire nord. Salle des offrandes 1 à 112. Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale.
- Wilson, P. (1997). A Ptolemaic Lexicon: A Lexicographical Study of the Texts in the Temple of Edfu. OLA 78. Leuven. ISBN978-90-6831-933-0.
- Collombert, P. (1997). “Hout-sekhem et le septième nome de Haute Égypte II: Les stèles tardives (Pl. I–VII)”. Revue d’Egyptologie. 48: 15–70. doi:10.2143/RE.48.0.2003683.
- Kaper 1997b, pp. 234–237.
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